PARTIAL INDEX - 1975-2001

TOMUS LXXVII, 2001, fasc. 1-4  

  • Articuli:

  • Ingrid Ehlers-Kisseler, Zum Patrozinium des Stiftes Cappenberg, p. 5-24

  • The study shows that the the Virgin Mary as well as the apostles Peter and Paul were patron saints of Cappenberg from the start. It has not been decided yet if they were the patron saints of the chapel of the castle, but it is possible. The Virgin Mary, who was especially honoured by the Premonstratensian Order, came to the fore quite early. In documents from the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth century, the scribes of Cappenberg referred to the apostles Peter and Paul quite often, however. Only under the provost Otto II of Cappenberg (1156-1171) the apostle John became important for the monastery and replaced the apostles Peter and Paul. He was established as a patron saint besides the Virgin Mary. It cannot be proved that there was an altar dedicated to Saint Augustine or that the bishop of Hippo was a patron saint of Cappenberg before the thirteenth century.

  • Ingrid Joester, Steinfeld und Selau. Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Mutterkloster in der Eifel und dem Tochterkloster in Böhmen, p. 25-53

  • The Premonstratensian Order was brought to Bohemia and Moravia by bishop Henry Zdík of Olomouc (1126-1150). He founded the Strahov monastery in Prague about 1142, to which end he asked an abbot and convent from the Steinfeld monastery in the Eifel. He then long supported the introduction of Norbertines in the Zeliv monastery near the Bohemian-Moravian border, a monastery that was originally founded for Benedictine monks. Bishop Daniel of Prague (1148-1167) had applied to Steinfeld for a monastery in the year 1148. The 33-year-old canon Gottschalk from Cologne, whose long-lived chaplain Gerlach, the future abbot of Milevsko, left an eloquent memorial for him in the so-called Continuatio Gerlaci, was destined to be the abbot. In 1149 he was sent to Zeliv together with a convent. Very soon a women’s convent followed from Dünnwald, a daughter convent of Steinfeld. Among the letters of Ulrich, provost of Steinfeld, from the years ca. 1152 - ca. 1159 one can also find letters to the abbots of Zeliv  and Strahov. Next to the women’s convent Lounovice, abbot Gottschalk founded as a daughter monastery the monastery of Geras in Lower Austria and the nearby women’s convent Pernegg, as well as the women’s convent Kounice in Moravia shortly before his death († 1184). In the archives of Steinfeld there are communications about abbatial elections in Zeliv. Zeliv remained a daughter monastery of Steinfeld until it perished in 1567. At the revival of Zeliv in the year 1643 it came under the Strahov monastery.

  • Dirk Van De Perre, De oudste bisschoppelijke en grafelijke oorkonden van de abdij van Ninove (1138-1167), p. 54-93

  • Six of the seven charters discussed above deal with the protracted conflict between the Ninove Abbey and Gerard II of Grimbergen, situated between 1144 and 1167.

  • We consider the first (1138) of the three charters of Bishop Nicholas I of Cambrai as the authentic charter of foundation of the abbey, containing the deed of donation of Gerard I of Ninove. The second charter of 1139 is of doubtful authenticity. The episcopal charter of 1165, which contains a detailed list of goods of the abbey, is regarded as authentic. The two last mentioned charters can already be situated within the conflict between the abbey and Gerard II of Grimbergen. The abbey used the falsified charter of 1139, presumably made between 1144 and 1147, in order to avoid the conflict. With the charter of 1165 the abbey wanted – via the authority of bishop Nicholas II– to resolve the conflict once and for all.

  • The three charters of the Counts of Flanders were issued in a very short span (between 1166-1167) at the height of the conflict. They deal with the Ninove Abbey's right of the advocatia, which was originally by hereditary right connected to the dominium of the Lords of Ninove. In his charter of 1163/1166 Count Philip of Alsace claimed this right.

  • The 1142 charter of his father Thierry, in which Gerard I of Ninove donates the advocatia to the Count, has been drawn and issued but in 1166-1167 in the Ninove Abbey. This is a logical link between Count Philip's two charters concerning the advocatia. In the 1167 charter of the Count the conflict is definitely resolved: Gerard II of Grimbergen is forced to accept the Count's prerogatives concerning the advocatia of the abbey.

  • At the same time we have drawn a picture of the broader context of the Count's appearance and we have proved that Philip of Alsace – with his intervention in the Ninove conflict – introduced a new kind of politics in relation to the organisation of the central authority of the Count in the county of Flanders in general and in the Land of Aalst in particular.

  • The charters issued in the period between 1165 and 1167 were a key moment and turning point in the history of the Ninove Abbey of the 12th century. In 1167 a period of conflicts with the relatives of the founder had been ended and a new period of rest, welfare and protection by the Count had been announced. The Ninove Liber Miraculorum offers a probing report on this change.

  • Ulrich G. Leinsle, „Deo militans clericus“. Rittertum und Krieg im Werk Philipps von Harvengt, p. 94-120

  • The view of knighthood and war in the work of Philipp of Harvengt is ambivalent. Essentially to a spiritual interpretation is the biblical typology (especially Ehud, David, Joshua, Judas Maccabaeus). Philipp does not dissolve the medieval class structure of the three ordines, but emphasizes the pre-eminence of the clergy. Chivalry has to serve the Church, which is quite usual for authors of the Gregorian Reform. However, a difference between class and behaviour can be observed regarding to both knights and monks. Monastic behaviour is transferred to the secular ideal of the miles litteratus; by literary education in the school, a knight becomes a clericus. Chivalry and war cannot simply be used as models of reflection in canonical life and spiritual warfare, while some knightly virtues, founded in biblical imagery, are important for the spiritual warfare in the monastery, especially bravery and obedience. Literary education and holiness are principles which superseded the rigid medieval class structure.

  • Bernard Delmaire, Un texte prémontré inédit: Les Miracula Beate Marie de Malaise par Jean de Rotselaar (1273), p. 121-147

  • In the year 1273 John of Rotselaar, known as abbot of Averbode from 1289-1303, wrote a collection of Miracula beate Marie de Malaise, requested by the Premonstratensians from Château-l`Abbaye near Valenciennes. This work is unknown until now, because it was hidden in a chartulary of the abbey (Archives départementales du Nord in Lille). This article gives the first edition, together with an introduction, an analysis and a list of names. The church Notre-Dame de Malaise in the village Bruille-Saint-Amand was the centre of a little pilgrimage to the Blessed Virgin. The 24 conserved reports are relevant to the history of religion, the history of customs, the medicine and the ordinary life in the middle ages.

  • Dominique-Marie Dauzet, Mère Marie de la Croix Odiot et la fusion des deux observances de l’ordre de Prémontré en France à la fin du XIXème siècle: histoire d’un rôle inédit, p. 148-200

  • Using sources combined from the archives of the abbeys of Frigolet and Bonlieu, this article first retraces the evolution of mentalities at Frigolet in the 1880’s regarding “Primitive Observance”: the expulsions of 1880 and the new abbacy of Father Paulin Boniface led to a rupture with the initial ideas surrounding the restoration of Frigolet. The article then addresses an ideological debate that took place in 1889 in which Mother Marie de la Croix Odiot supports the fusion of the Order’s Common Observance with the congregation of France. Following the crisis of governance at Frigolet in 1893, the superiorate of the young Father Denis Bonnefoy would finally make this fusion possible. The Bonlieu archives reveal the degree to which Mother Marie de la Croix, who had known Father Denis as chaplain at Bonlieu in 1892, influenced the new abbot.

  • Dominique-Marie Dauzet, Nouveaux éclairages sur la fondation versaillaise des Norbertines du Mesnil Saint-Denis (1889-1899), p. 201-229

  • Until now, the history of the Norbertines of Mesnil Saint-Denis, founded in 1889 with the support of the Praemonstratensians of Mondaye, was limited to a hagiography of the founder and an account of Mother Marie de la Nativité Husson’s ”tertiary” vocation, imposed by her poor health. Safeguarded in the Bonlieu archives, the ”Mesnil” documents shed new light on the genesis of the foundation. In fact, although they were initially approached for the task, the Norbertines of Bonlieu soon found themselves excluded from the founding by Father Godefroid Madalaine, whose ideas diverged with the requirements of Mother Mary of the Cross Odiot. This article retraces the observations of the prior of Bonlieu over the course of ten years regarding the competition over the Versailles Norbertines.

  • Dominique-Marie Dauzet, Catalogue raisonné des archives du monastère des Norbertines de Bonlieu (Drôme, France), p. 230-266

  • This exhaustive catalogue offers a glimpse into the impressive scope and quality of the archives kept at the Monastery of Bonlieu. Assembled between 1905 and 1933, the collection consists mainly of the papers of monastery’s founder, Mother Marie Odiot de la Paillone (private writings, accounts of the foundation, correspondence). These documents reach far beyond the individual history of the Norbertines of Bonlieu and address the question of restoring the Order in Europe in the 19th century. As this inventory suggests, many topics remain to be researched, and numerous texts (the Bruyère correspondence, the De Swert correspondence, etc.) wait to be published.


  • Litterae Summi Pontificis Ioannis Pauli II Abbati Generali Ordinis Praemonstratensis missae ineunte Capitulo Generali Anni MM in Urbe celebrato, p. 267-268

  • Congressus peculiaris Consultorum Historicorum Congregationis de Causis Sanctorum in Causa Petri Hadriani Toulorge, 269-270


  • Die Anfänge der Grafen von Bogen-Windberg. Studientagung zum 850. Todestag des Grafen Albert I., 17-18. Januar 1997, Endredaktion Simeon Rupprecht (Georg Köglmeier), p. 271-274

  • M. Arnoux (éd.), Des clercs au service de la réforme. Etudes et documents sur les chanoines réguliers de la province de Rouen (Leo C. Van Dyck O.Praem.), p. 274-277

  • Anne Bondéelle-Souchier, Bibliothèques de l’Ordre de Prémontré dans la France d’Ancien Régime, I. Répertoires des abbayes (Leo C. Van Dyck O.Praem.), p. 277-280

  • H.P.H. Dillo en G.A.M. Van Singhel, met medewerking van E.T. van der Vlist, Oorkondenboek van Noord-Brabant tot 1312, deel 2: De heerlijkheden Breda en Bergen op Zoom (F.H. van Bavel O.Praem), p. 280-281

  • Manfred Gerwing, Theologie im Mittelalter. Personen und Stationen theologisch-spiritueller Suchbewegungen in mittelalterlichen Deutschland (Ulrich G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 281-283

  • O. Guyotjeannin (dir.), Le chartrier de l’abbaye prémontrée de Saint-Yved de Braine (1134-1250) (Leo C. Van Dyck O.Praem.), p. 283-286

  • František Hoffmann, Soupis rukopisu­ knihovny kláštera premonstrátu® Teplá / Catalogus Codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Monasterii Teplensis Ordinis Praemonstratensis (Ulrich G. Leinsle O.Praem.), p. 286-289

  • David Jones, An early witness to the nature of the canonical order in the twelfth century. A Study in the life and writings of Adam Scot, with particular reference to his understanding of the Rule of St Augustine (Ulrich G. Leinsle O.Praem), p. 289-290


TOMUS LXXVI, 2000, fasc. 1-4

In memoriam Koenrad Edward Stappers, abbé de Averbode, ‘moderator’, de la commission historique de l’ordre de Prémontré, (L.C. Van Dyck), p. 5-7  

  • The first chapter of this study is devoted chiefly to examining the relationship among the oldest monastic rules of Citeaux, Kloosterrade, Oigny and Prémontré, the examination showing that, for the chapters of those rules that are similar, there is line of dependence running from Citeaux to Prémontré to Oigny and from Kloosterrade to Prémontré to Oigny. This insight has also led to the conclusion that the oldest version of the Premonstratensian Rule is not the PW text and that a Px version must have existed of which the PW text is a later variant. Oigny did not copy the PW version, but rather a Px’ version, which is a hypothetical variant of Px. 

  • The second chapter goes into more detail about the reasons why, in the Premonstratensian Rule, the superior was called abbas (abbot) and the second in authority prepositus (provost). This is interpreted as a compromise between the German tradition, in which the superior was known as prepositus, and the French tradition, in which he was known as abbas.

  • In the third chapter, lastly, an examination is made of the relationship among the rules of Prémontré, Citeaux and Arrouaise for lay brothers, and shows that the Rule of Prémontré was the oldest, a conclusion that is diametrically opposed to the recent position taken by C. Waddell that the Lay-brother Rule of Citeaux had already been drawn up around 1120 and was thus older than that of Prémontré. The examination also shows that, in its first edition, the Rule of Arrouaise adopted elements of the Premonstratensian Rule and was subsequently supplemented with elements from the oldest Lay-brother Rule of Citeaux and the later Rule of Prémontré.

  • Sabine Gäbe, Me peperit ecclesia mater. Einige Bemerkungen zur Selbstdarstellung Hermanns von Köln in seinem Opusculum de conversione sua, p. 70-106

  • Looking at the Opusculum from a literary studies perspective (form, stylizing, stereotyped attitudes, intention, reader’s point of view) one arrives at the following results: The descriptio historiae consists of a continuous description of the internal, spiritual, and intellectual struggle of the autobiographical ego. Individual experiences of his life are only reported in so far as they are important for the progression of conversion. „Historical Persons“ mentioned in the text do not have their own personality: Jews are stylized as adversaries of the conversion (according to the stereotyped attitudes stemming from the theological tradition). Christians, however, are made into role models. The identity of the autobiographical writer is the identity of an ordained Christian priest. His former Jewish identity is portrayed as „non-identity“. The intention of the work is not to be, as it was assumed in the past, a defence against the reproach that the conversion took place for opportunistic reasons. Nor is it an attempt to respond with anti-Semitic comments to latent hostile feelings against the former Jew. On the contrary, the intention is to show Christian readers an example of how to part Jews from their „hardening“ and win them for Christianity by gentleness and charity. The work attempts, as the second Crusade quickly approaches (among other things) to support efforts that defend Jews from encroachments.

  • In his letters to students, Philip of Harvengt († 1183) engages himself in a dialogue with the environment of the schools of his time. This is obvious since the exchange of letters was not an entirely private affair as it is nowadays. Letters were shared with one's companions and read by them. When Philip therefore wrote a letter to a student, he addressed in fact a broader public. The letters addressed to students appear to belong to two different literary types. His earliest letters, Ad Wedericum  and ad Hervardum  are in fact treatises concerning a debated question with some spiritual advise in the margin. Later written letters only contain spiritual advise. But all Philip's letters show a keen awareness of the fact that a sound exegesis starts from a litteral understanding of the material text of Sacred Scripture, even though he depicts its study as preparing for an experienced meeting with the  One who inspired it. This fundamental conviction concerning study of Scripture probably points towards influence from the Parisian school of the canons regular of Saint Victor. In his letter Ad Wedericum  Hugh of Saint Victor is explicitly quoted while Philip develops his argument in favour of a literal explication of the six days during which creation took place according to the book Genesis. "The school should be called another monastery", for, in spite of the different environment, assiduous study of Scripture is performed in both places. Bible study probably took on a different character in monasteries of  regular canons, such as Saint Victor in Paris and Bonne-Espérance, than the monastic lectio divina.

  • The Premonstratensian abbeys were mostly located in the countryside and are often characterised as rural institutions. However, from an early date they developed many links with the cities, which was certainly the case in the Low Countries, an area experiencing a strong process of urbanisation during the late Middle Ages. In the contacts between the abbeys and the cities a crucial role appears to have been played by the houses ('hospicia' or 'mansiones') the abbeys owned in the cities for their own use. These houses, often of considerable size and splendour, fulfilled various functions for the abbeys, functions which developed over time. During the 12th-14th centuries the urban mansions were used mainly for storage, transport and marketing of food stuffs produced on the monastic lands, for instance on nearby granges. With the decline of direct exploitation and the rise of monetarised leasing, however, this function declined. Other functions came more to the fore, such as a base for purchasing goods on the urban market, and a place of residence for negotiations, study or political matters requiring a stay in the city. Also the urban mansions were used more and more as permanent residences, mainly for (retired) abbots. Especially during the religious troubles in the 16th century another function surfaced: that of urban refuge. Thus, these urban houses mirrored the manyfold contacts between abbeys and cities, and also the changes these contacts underwent in time.

  • Janick Applmans, Thierry de Tuldel et les Prémontrés brabançons face à la commende (1470-1481), p. 158-220

  • During the later middle ages holding an abbey in commendam meant that is was granted to a secular clergyman, for example a bishop, a dean or a secular canon. At Saint Michael's abbey in Antwerp as well as in Tongerlo these commendators were influential members of the Burgundian court and high-ranking ecclesiastical officials. These princes of the church gave the duke more control over his clergymen and were in return provided with a substantially increased income.

  • Ferry de Clugny made at Tongerlo in the years 1470-1471 the first successful intrusion in a Premonstratensian monastery in Brabant. His aspirations could be bought off by a lifelong rent. Diederik van Tuldel (1419-1494), the abbot of Park since 1462, undertook different diplomatic initiatives at the papal court in order to safeguard the Brabantine abbeys from more commendators. Despite many apostolic letters and guarantees his efforts were vain. In 1477 two bishops were appointed as the heads of the communities of Antwerp and Tongerlo. The reign of the commendatory prelates started at an ill fated moment, just a few weeks after the death of Duke Charles the Bold. The central government was not able any longer to support firmly the commendators in their struggle to obtain their offices and revenues. In contrast to the many collations of Benedictine abbeys in commendam the princes of the church faced well-informed and organized opponents. At several times the different Brabantine abbots gathered to discuss the state of affairs and took action against the commendators. Diederik van Tuldel and his fellow prelates knew every move of the secular abbots and their supporters. Therefore the abbot of Park could rely upon a network of trustful informers and skilled negotiators, including abbots and Premonstratensian delegates as well as merchants and church officials at the papal court.

  • The last commendator finally resigned in 1481, but it had necessitated many funds to compel the secular abbots to desist from their prerogatives. Since his journey to Rome in 1475 Diederik van Tuldel had co-ordinated the defense of the liberties and rights of Saint Norbert's order and had taken care of the financial settlements. With the repetitive, but sometimes reluctant, consent of the order's general chapter the taille, a taxation within the order, was used. It lasted almost fifteen years before all the debts were reimbursed.

  • Andreas E. Kovács, Die Prämonstratenser in Ungarn zur Zeit des Freiheitskampfes 1848/49, p. 221-235

  • The revolutionary spirit of the times of the years 1848/49 penetrated even into the inner life of the Hungarian Premonstratensian monasteries. The effect of this spirit appeared and asserted itself in the revolutionary great chapter that place in the Prevostry of Csorna, April 11-13, 1848 and in the Prevostry of Jászó, June 19-26, 1848.

  • The Premonstratensians of Hungary actively participated in the fight for the nation’s freedom in the years 1848/49, whether it was through their task as pastors, teachers or educators of youth, or by influence exerted on believers and students, or by their personal example and their involvement with the National Guard. Some took part in recruitment propaganda or in medical work, others became field chaplains. There were others who with their students had taken up military service.

  • After the suppression of the war for freedom, retaliation on the part of the Austrian authority followed. The two officers of the National Guard, Demeter Laky and Kálmán Sebesy, where punished with the severest sentences: 8 years imprisonment in irons. After four years they where released from prison in amnesty. The others received lighter punishments, or were acquitted.

  • Gilbert Schartner´s political engagement was determined by the tensions between Catholic- conservatives and Christian-socials, who together formed the political camp of Catholicism. Closely connected with the Christian-social line Schartner was conflicting on several fronts when he was deputy to the ‘Landtag’ (i.e. the regional Parliament) of Upper Austria from 1909 to 1919. The most important group of opponents in Haslach belonged to the liberal and national movement, who he yet accepted as partners for political cooperation – in contrast to the social democrats, who he considered to be te major menace to society. Another front-line ran through the own ranks: Again and again dicrepancies arose with General-abbot Norbert Schachinger and some confreres, who as Catholic-conservatives had different political ideas.

  • The years 1909 and 1910 can be considered as the zenith of Schartner´s political and social engagement, when he got involved in the confrontation between factory workers and entrepreneurs owing to the foundation of a trade union, which finally led to strikes of several weeks duration.

TOMUS LXXV, 1999, fasc. 3-4    




TOMUS LXXV, 1999, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXXIV, 1998, fasc. 3-4




TOMUS LXXIV, 1998, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXXIII, 1997, fasc. 3-4




TOMUS LXXIII, 1997, fasc. 1-2




TOMUS LXXII, 1996, fasc. 3-4





TOMUS LXXII, 1996, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXXI, 1995, fasc. 3-4




TOMUS LXXI, 1995, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXX, 1994, fasc. 3-4




TOMUS LXX, 1994, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXIX, 1993, fasc. 1-4




TOMUS LXVIII, 1992, fasc. 3-4



TOMUS LXVIII, 1992, fasc. 1-2






TOMUS LXVII, 1991, fasc. 3-4






TOMUS LXVII, 1991, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXVI, 1990, fasc. 3-4




TOMUS LXVI, 1990, fasc. 1-2




TOMUS LXV, 1989, fasc. 3-4






TOMUS LXV, 1989, fasc. 1-2






TOMUS LXIV, 1988, fasc. 3-4






TOMUS LXIV, 1988, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXIII, 1987, Fasc. 3-4





TOMUS LXIII, 1987, Fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXII, 1986, fasc. 3-4



TOMUS LXII, 1986, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LXI, 1985, fasc. 3-4





TOMUS LXI, 1985, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS LX, 1984, fasc. 3-4





TOMUS LX, 1984, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS XLIX, 1983, fasc. 3-4





TOMUS XLIX, 1983, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS XLVIII, 1982, fasc. 3-4 [NON HABEMUS]

TOMUS XLVIII, 1982, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS XLVII, 1981, fasc. 3-4





TOMUS XLVII, 1981, fasc. 1-2





TOMUS XLI, 1975, fasc. 3-4





TOMUS XLI, 1975, fasc. 1-2